{EOP}Pakistan, Israel and Zionists

Dr. Shahid Qureshi, a Bangladeshi living in UK – in the following research article, published in September 7, 2005 – shows which hands are playing behind the bombing, killing and sectarian fitna – all carried out for the destruction of the remaining Pakistan – and who will be finall beneficiaries of such calamity – Israel, India and the Jewish Lobby in the US and Europe.

The recent meeting of Pakistani foreign minister Khurshid Kasuri with the Israeli foreign Minster in Turkey is not surprise to me. Qadyanis have been planning this for a long time since Zafarullah Khan was foreign Minister. There might be a draft ready some where in the foreign office to be read at the time of recognition.

President Mushraf is surrounded heavily by the elements who would be a security risk in the real sense of the word. Raiz Mohmmad Khan Foreign Secretary’s American wife is reportedly working in the US State Department. Tariq Aziz President Mushraf’s National Securtity Advsior is a known Qadyani and American wife holder Javeed Akthar press minister of Shaukat Aziz are on the top of the list. Ahmad Kamal former Pakistan’s UN Ambassador has been promoting Israeli agenda with the help of another New York based Qadayni Mansoor Ejaz, whose grand father was among first 313 followers of Mirza Qadyani.

“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 1 (Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948)

All minorities in Pakistan are enjoying more than they are contributing. In fact they are the one who are ruling Pakistan and 98% of Pakistanis don’t know why and what is happing to Pakistan.

Pakistan is one of those countries where all minorities are living with full freedom than many so called democracies. It is really painful to see that Pakistan has not recovered from the Qadyani bashings in the past. Their Kahlifa tasked them to finish the partition of the sub continent and they are trying hard for the last 57 years. Qadyanis are a security and strategic problem should be taken accordingly.

QUAID E AZAM’S STAND ON PALESTINE

In October 1947, soon after emergence of Pakistan, the Quaid-i-Azam warned that the partition of Palestine would entail “the gravest danger and unprecedented conflict and that the entire Muslim world will revolt against such a decision which can not be supported historically, politically and morally”. Soon afterwards, Pakistan said at the United Nations that all the Holy Land was being nailed and stretched on the cross. All these words are still timely.

LIAQUAT ALI KHAN STAND ON PALESTINE

In 1950 (May-June) Pakistan’s first Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan visited the United States and American leaders of trade and industry met him. At the meeting they promised all possible military and economic assistance in case Pakistan recognized Israel. The American industrialists also underlined the importance of such a package for the new state of Pakistan. Liaquat Ali Khan in his known gentle tone replied: ‘Gentlemen! Our soul is not for sale.’ (Pakistan’s first prime minister was assassinated on 16 October 1951.)

ZAFARULLAH KHAN ON PALESTINE

Zafrulla Khan publicly said in Cairo ‘ in February 1952 that Israel must be ‘ regarded as `a limb in the body of the Middle East’. He further urged Egypt to seek a peaceful solution of the conflict! In other words, to give up any thought, of liberating Arab and Palestinian lands and recognize the illegitimate occupation of Palestine.

FEROZ KHAN NOON ON PALESTINE

“Israel had come to stay” declared Feroz Khan Noon. Mr. Noon was Pakistan’s then Foreign Minister. He was in London for a British-convened conference, 19-21 September 1956, to consider forming a Suez Canal Users Association (SCUSA) in response to Egypt’s earlier nationalization of the Suez Canal on 26 July 1956. SCUSA was actually a prelude to a later military invasion to occupy the Canal.

Feroz Khan Noon’s ex gratia ‘recognition’ of the Zionist entity had not gone down well with the public opinion back home in Pakistan. Naturally, though, one doubts whether the people were truly aware of the enormity of their foreign minister’s collaboration and complicity in the ugly affair. Noon’s remarks were, therefore, dismissed as stupid rather than taken as traitorous. A political nobody, Noon seemed to have become foreign minister more because of intrigue and default than national merit or qualification.

Feroz Khan Noon had, however, a background, but few were aware of it. He came from a typically feudal and toady family in Punjab, the kind of pillars on which the British Raj had stood. Duly knighted along the way, he had served as high commissioner for (British) India in London (1936-41) and as member of Viceroy’s executive council (1941 – 45). Indeed he was the first Indian ever to be given responsibility for the defense portfolio. Along with another Indian, a Hindu, he was sent to represent British India at the founding conference of the United Nations Organization. Sir Feroz, an empire loyalist with an Austrian Jewish wife, seemed to have become a Zionist by marriage.

Feroz Khan Noon was serving as high commissioner for India in London before Partition in 1936-41, when the colonial secretary, Lord Moyne, asked him to prepare a draft scheme for creating a Jewish state in Arab Palestine, but in a way that no blame should lie on the British imperialists for being anti-Arab or pro­ Zionist. The can-do knight submitted his proposal to the secretary of state for India, Leopold Amery, who too happened to be Jewish. Noon proposed that they first create an Arabian federation, but also slip in an autonomous Jewish state within that federation. This Jewish entity should be a part of the treaty creating the federation.

The full blown Jewish state would come into existence later, Sir Feroz explained, but the federation would provide the cover that they all needed so that no Muslim ruler can blame England for having created a Jewish state in Palestine or part of Palestine’. Noon’s proposals were forwarded by Amery to Churchill on 10 September 1945 (F0372-275-E6190/53/65).

Present and future leaders of Pakistan must understand that Pakistan’s commitment to Palestine was a principled one and it predated Pakistan itself. Its ‘support for the just causes of the Muslim world is organically related to its own national vocation’.

Zulifqar Ali Bhutto (1928- 19­79), Prime Minister said in his keynote address to Second Summit Conference of the Islamic Heads of State held in Lahore, 18-22 February 1974, to serve as a reminder that Pakistan’s stand was neither emotional nor ephemeral, it was based on sound principles in history, law and international legality. The stand can be betrayed. It can never be faulted.

In Lahore, 34 years ago, was adopted the celebrated resolution that inaugurated the glorious freedom struggle of the Muslims of the South Asian subcontinent under the leadership of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah (d.1948). It is a fact of no small significance that the same session of the, [All India] Muslim League which adopted the Pakistan resolution also adopted unanimously a resolution on Palestine.

The resolution recorded that, “the considered opinion, in clear and unequivocal language, that no arrangements of a piecemeal character should be made in Palestine which are contrary in spirit and opposed to the pledges given to the Muslim world’. The resolution further warned against the danger of using force in the Holy Land to overawe the Arabs … into submission”.

ALLAMA IQBAL ON PALESTINE

Pakistan’s support for the just causes of the Muslim world is organically related to its own national vocation. It has never suffered a severance between national impulse and the urges of the Muslim emancipation. When the partition of Palestine was decided, a demonstration was held here in Lahore at which [the great Islamic poet] Iqbal [d.1938] was present. On that occasion, he emphasized the problem of Palestine, and I quote his words, `does not concern Palestine alone but will have wide repercussions in the entire Muslim world’.

 ZAFRLLUA KHAN FATHER OF QADYANI – ZIONIST AXIS

A recent Israeli study (P R Kumaraswamy: Beyond the Veil: Israel­ Pakistan relation, Jaffe Centre for Strategic Studies, Tel Aviv University, Tel Aviv, March 2000) brings to light, has Pakistan’s own `pro-Israeli’ lobby’ has been doing since the word go.

How about the very first foreign minister of Pakistan, Zafrulla Khan (1893-1985)? The man who was acclaimed all over the Arab world for his eloquent advocacy of the Palestinian and Arab cause at the UN and other international forums while he acted as foreign minister of Pakistan (1947-54). So far it only seemed that he made record-breaking, long speeches but did not win the case, Beyond the Veil reveals: for the first time that the reputed! Advocate was not quite honest to his brief.

Zafrulla’s background was little different from Feroz Khan Noon’s except that he also belonged to the heterodox Qadiyani group. British creations, the Qadiyanis were empire­ loyalists by their `faith’.’

Then a judge at the pre-independence Federal Court of India, Zafrulla was in London in 1945 to represent the British Indian government at a conference on Commonwealth Relations. He met the head of the Jewish Agency Chaim Weizmann and proceeded on a six-day visit to Palestine. Weizmann (later president of the Zionist entity) told his men in Jerusalem to `see to it that (Zafrulla’s) stay in Palestine, and his contacts with our work, are made as, interesting and as agreeable as possible ‘. And so it happened. Having allowed himself to be taken on a conducted tour by the Jewish Agency, it seems Zafrulla did undergo an `agreeable’ change of mind. He wrote to Weizmann that he found the problem of Palestine `much more complicated than I had imagined, but let its hope hat a just and equitable solution may soon be discovered’.

Zafrulla did not indicate, though, what complications had since entered his mind, nor, what would, according to him, make `a just and equitable solution’. He was economical with the truth. However, two years later after the UN had adopted the partition resolution (29 November 1947), Israeli orientalist Uriel Heyd, who was also working for the Zionist intelligence in London, reported `noticeable changes in the position of Zafrulla Khan … During his talks in Damascus, Zafrulla Khan indicated that partition, which he [as Pakistan's foreign minister had] vehemently opposed, was the only solution for Palestine. He even counseled the Arabs to allow the establishment of the Jewish state’. It was not a volte face, it was a double face.

Encouraged, naturally, by his intelligence report, Weizmann wrote to Zafrulla telling him how similar were the partition of India and partition of Palestine. In other words, he expected that Pakistan would be appreciative of the Israeli position. However, Pakistan had not only voted against the partition resolution, but had also opposed Israel’s admission to the UN. Pakistan did not even acknowledge the letter when Israel formally requested recognition.

That was beyond Zafrulla, obviously. Yet, very much against the historical national consensus and, certainly, behind the back of Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan (1895-1951), Zafrulla and his boys in the Pakistan foreign office continued to promote the Zionist cause. Whoever had given him the `good news’ (Zafrulla himself or A S Bukhari, the permanent Pakistan representative at the UN), the then Israeli representative at the UN, Abba I Eban (later foreign minister), reported to Tel Aviv in late 1949 that `the Pakistani representative (Patras Bukhari) at the UN was scheming to embarrass India by bringing his government to recognize Israel’.

It seems, however, that either the pro­ Zionists in Pakistan foreign office had been unable to gather enough courage to present their proposal for the cabinet’s approval or the foreign minister had done it, but the cabinet had talked out the not so cute idea of embarrassing India by recognizing Israel.

Nevertheless, it seems, Zafrulla had ‘kept telling Israelis that Pakistan was about to recognize the entity. So when, Abba Eban saw him in New York on 14 January 1953, as part of their continuing dialogue, Zafrulla ‘disclosed’ to him that while the ” previous government of Liaquat Ali Khan favored the policy of recognizing Israel, the government now headed by Prime Minister Khawaja Nazimuddin (1894-1964)’had retreated from the favorable approach adopted by his predecessor’. This government `was weaker and more susceptible to public pressure from Muslim extremists’. He himself, Zafrulla told Abba Eban, `was attacked for his moderation’.

Liaquat Ali Khan had been assassinated two years earlier (16 October 1951) and so it was not so difficult for anyone to lie about his policy. What is, in any case true, is that no matter what, Zafrulla was not deterred and he continued to promote the Zionist case by other means.

It is significant that while the prime minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, was opposed to joining any military bloc (he had declined even to send a token paramedical staff to South Korea), Zafrulla was promoting the American idea of a Middle East Defence Organization (Medo) and more. He wanted Israel, too, to be included in the proposed anti-communist bloc, where it would sit along with Pakistan, Iraq, Iran, Turkey and possibly others. Zafrulla believed it was `inconceivable’ to have a Middle Eastern defence ‘ organization without Israel.

Zafrulla was able to say publicly in Cairo ‘ in February 1952 that Israel must be ‘ regarded as `a limb in the body of the Middle East’. He further urged Egypt to seek a peaceful solution of the conflict. ! In other words, to give up any thought, of liberating Arab and Palestinian lands and recognize the illegitimate occupation of Palestine.

After Liaquat Ali Khan, Pakistan was led into one military alliance after another: a Mutual Defence Agreement’ with the US (May 1954), Seato (September 1954) and Baghdad Pact (February 1955). After the overthrow of the Iraqi monarchy, Baghdad Pact was christened as Cento (Central Treaty Organization). Although Pakistan had no security conflict in that region, ‘ Zafrulla had put the country into South-East Asia Treaty Organization, without consulting or even telling the army. The commander-in-chief, ‘ General Ayub Khan, said he was informed only after Pakistan had joined the alliance.

Beyond the Veil also shows the Israelis were very much into the scheme of ‘ drawing Pakistan into these American led alliances. They had no reservations either about the US giving some military `aid’ to Pakistan. The Zionists were being assured by Zafrulla and his minions that being tied Pakistan had no conflict with Israel. In fact the Israelis believed that remaining tied to the US would only soften Pakistan’s position on Israel. They have been proved right.

Zafrulla was on the way to becoming prime minister but following serious public unrest about his own role, as also ‘, the role of fellow Qadiyanis, he ‘ eventually resigned from the government in 1954 – not before he ‘ collected his reward. In a repeat ballot on 7th October 1954, Yom Kippur, he was elected to the international Court of justice at The Hague. Unknown even to the government of Pakistan, his name had been sent in to the UN by the US State department.

The Israeli delegate, Abba-i- Eban, was absent at the voting but a member of his delegation said if they been able to be present they would have voted for Zafrulla.

Pakistan’s `pragmatism’, albeit with ‘ regard to the Zionist entity, had – according to the Tel Aviv study – begun with Zafrulla but it did not end after his departure from the foreign ministry. He never really left. After finishing his first term at The Hague, he returned to serve another four years (1961-64) as Pakistan’s permanent representative at the UN.

Zafrulla can rightly be described as the ideological father of Pakistan’s laid­back and ever-submissive foreign policy. His influence in shaping the minds and ideology of a totally raw and unformed diplomatic service proved to be profound and long lasting. The first batches of the foreign service were `trained’ in Britain, Canada or the US; when they came back they very well knew how to mix their drinks; otherwise, they were pretty mixed up as to the vision and raison d’etre of the great nation they were required to represent to the world.

However, by the time Zafrulla had resigned formally, the Pakistan foreign office had sunk deep into the Qadiyani-Zionist worldview. Zafrulla’s successor, Hamidul Huque Chowdhury, came from East Pakistan and did not have a toady background. Nevertheless, in the short period that he was foreign minister (26 September 1955-12 September 1956), he too had the same foreign office brief, a la Zafrulla and Noon that `Israel had come to stay’.

After Hamidul Huque Chowdhury, came Sir Feroz Khan Noon, the original author of the cute plan to create a Jewish state in Arab Palestine, but in a way that no one is able to accuse the British imperialists of being anti-Arab or pro-Zionist.

The arrival of the Raj Zionist, Sir Feroz Khan Noon, at the helm of foreign policy coincided with the tripartite Anglo-French-Israeli invasion of Suez. The people of Pakistan were out and out in support of Egypt and denouncing the naked aggression, but the foreign minister had already dismissed his critics by telling them that right or wrong, insofar as they were concerned, the Zionist occupation of Palestine had come to stay.

However, more significantly, Noon’s views had the fullest support of both the prime minister, Husain Shaheed Suhrawardy (d.1963) and the president, Iskandar Mirza (d.1969). Suhrawardy had been an untroubled playboy and Mirza had started his career as a British Political Agent in the tribal districts of the North West Frontier. They had no problem in dittoing whatever advice they received from their foreign ministry bureaucrats.

But the foreign minister’s aside seemed only the tip of a policy iceberg that lay hidden in the deep waters of Pakistani kleptocracy in which there is no culture of opening up the public records, after a reasonable period of time, for the benefit of both history and future policy making. Every succeeding regime finds it necessary to let the cupboards remain ever tightly closed lest his successors too should bare the skeletons left behind by him.

Beyond the Veil is necessarily incomplete based on Israeli and other published records with only a few Pakistani sources? The quest for a fuller picture has, therefore, to await the emergence of a bold and honest leadership in Pakistan that is not afraid of facing the truth. Even so, as they are, parts of the Tel Aviv University study make a disgraceful reading.

ZIONISTS & QADYANIS IN PAKISTANI FOREIGN OFFICE

The date was 23 December 1956, less than two months after the Anglo French-Israeli invasion of Suez but before the Israeli withdrawal from Sinai. Indian Prime Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru (d.1964) was visiting Canada and the Indian high commissioner threw a reception in his honor. Attending the reception, among others, were the Pakistan high commissioner, Mirza Osman Ali Baig, and Israeli ambassador, M S Comay.

Nothing unusual, except what the Israeli ambassador reported to his government: … Pakistan High Commissioner Mirza Osman Ali Baig publicly came up to me, shook me by the hand, and warmly congratulated me on the “wonderful show your splendid little army put up in beating the Egyptians”. His only regret was that the British and the French had intervened; otherwise we [Israelis] might have gone right through to Cairo.

`In thanking him, I expressed regret that his government apparently did not share his views, and continued to display great hostility towards us. He assured me that not all Pakistanis were pro-Arab or anti-Israel and that some of them, like myself, realized quite well what a menace Nasser was. He hoped that a way could be found some time of procuring a modus vivendi between! Pakistan and Israel, and thought that Turkey was in the best position to bring it about because of its association with both countries. When I suggested this was a matter he and I might explore further some time, he welcomed the idea …

Baig was perhaps within his right to hold a personal view on the question, even if patently absurd, but he certainly had no business to convey it to the ambassador of an entity his country did not recognize. Yet, he had gone over the top wishing the Israeli had `gone right through to Cairo’.

It is impossible to assume that Baig was speaking for himself alone. He certainly represented a certain small but insidious and powerful toady-Zionist ­Qadiyani nexus within the country’s foreign policy establishment, especially that has continued to blight Pakistan’s foreign policy and external relations to this day. Perhaps there is no other country today, which is as friendless and as isolated as Pakistan.

But treachery is also telepathic. If a Pakistani ambassador had told an Israeli ambassador that he wished their `splendid little army’ had gone right through to Cairo, only a decade later almost similarly rude sentiments were expressed by President Nasir of Egypt.

President Dr Radhakrishnan of India recounted this to a former ADC of his, Major C L Datta: `Nasser asked me when I was at Cairo airport on my way back from Ethiopia: “Why didn’t you! take Lahore [in the September 1965 war with Pakistan]? We were waiting to hear this news.”‘ Radhakrishnan, however, went on to add: `You know, I hate hiding the truth, and I just couldn’t tell him [President Nasir] that they [the Pakistanis] fought like tigers, across the Ichhogil canal.’ ‘

In the event both Pakistanis and Arabs – Egyptians in particular – came to nurse a mutual grievance about the other sympathizing with the enemy and not supporting them in their just cause. Both were right but that was because neither of those who made policies were inspired by Islamic values and objectives.

Pakistan had become progressively bereft of its founding vision after the assassination of its first legitimate prime minister, Liaquat Ali Khan (d.1951), and policy making passed into the hands of characters like Zafrulla and Noon, their children and their children’s children. Ayub Khan (d.1974) who followed Noon and Mirza had to work with the same pro-Zionist and pro-imperialist policy tools of the old. His own reflexes were Pakistani, however.

When he went to Cairo in November 11, 1960, he, in a sense, apologized and told a rally of the Socialist Union that Pakistan’s representatives may have acted in a “clumsy” manner at the time of the Suez crisis but every sensible man in Pakistan had been deeply distressed by the invasion and their sympathies were all with Egypt’.

He had also, as commander-in-chief of the Army, `approached the government at the time and warned them about the possibility of Egypt being attacked by Britain in conjunction with others.’ It would be interesting to find out what the governments of the period (Choudry Muhammad Ali (d.1980), 12 August 1955-12 September 1956; Husain Shaheed Suhrawardy (d.1963) 12 September 1956-17 October 1957; Ismail Ibrahim Chundrigar (d.1960) 17 October 1957-16 December 1957; Feroz Khan Noon 16 December 1957-7 October 1958) and their foreign office had done with the c-in-c’s warning. Certainly they were not communicated to Egypt otherwise Nasir may not have become as rudely hostile as he came to be.

MM AHMAD TOPPLED FRENCH NUCLEAR OFFER TO PAKISTAN

M M Ahmad born in (1913-2002) was reputedly one of Pakistan’s most powerful bureaucrats. He belonged to the elite ICS (Indian Civil Service, later, (CSP or the Civil Service of Pakistan) and was a district officer in 1947, but by 1966, he had risen to head Ayub Khan’s powerful Planning Commission. He helped to shape the Country’s economic as well as defence and foreign policies.

Ayub Khan also wished Arab states to join the Baghdad Pact and turn it into a `powerful Muslim forum’, but he understood why they were suspicious of the alliance. However, although he did have foreign ministers like Manzur Qadir (1959-62; d. 1972) and Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada (1966-68), both pro-western but also Pakistani, but key policy decision had also to be cleared with a Qadiyani bureaucrat M M Ahmad. Though only the head of Ayub Khan’s Planning Commission, he had come to exercise veto over political decisions as well. Taken as someone with influence in the World Bank, he could shoot down anything by simply saying it may not go down well with Washington.

According to Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada, French President de Gaulle had personally told Ayub Khan in 1967 that France was ready to provide `full’ nuclear assistance to Pakistan. In return he simply asked that France be allowed to mine for uranium in the northwest and share it equally with Pakistan. `Our “friends” may not like it,’ M M Ahmad told Ayub, and in any case, what do we need this expensive technology for.’ Words to that effect. But that is how Pakistan missed the opportunity of becoming a nuclear power at least two decades earlier than it did – and minus all the blackmail and intimidation that knows no ending.

In an as yet unpublished interview, the eminent constitutional expert and authority on Qnaid-e-Azam Jinnah (d.1948) and Pakistan movement, Sharifuddin Pirzada also, told Ahmed Irfan a London based journalist that as far back as October 1967, French President Charles de Gaulle (d.1970) had offered Pakistan ‘full’ nuclear assistance and know-how; the only thing he wanted in turn was to he allowed to mine for uranium in Northwest Pakistan for a 50% share.

SOVIET MILATRY ASSISTANCE: Vetoed again

In April 1965, Ayub Khan had also gone to Moscow. This was the first ever visit by a Pakistani leader to the Soviet capital. Ayub Khan came back with the understanding that the visit `might prove a turning point in our relations and that there were tremendous possibilities of cooperation’.

The Soviets had actually agreed to give military aid to Pakistan, but writing two years later Ayub Khan had to understate the achievement, because the same Qadiyani bureaucrat too had vetoed this. This offer had been made by Brezhnev at a meeting set for recreation and shoot some clay pigeons outside Moscow, but with only Ayub Khan and Pirzada attending.

Others including the then foreign secretary had been exclusive, still Ayub Khan had to consult M M Ahmad and the `turning point’ which Ayub Khan had seen coming never arrived. ” The Qadiyanis maintain a ‘special mission’ in Israel and unlike Arabs, `the Ahmadi sect of some 600 people from Pakistan (sic) can also serve in the [Israeli] army.” (*Israel T Naamani, Israel a Profile, London, Pall Mall, 1972) p.75

M M Ahmad was also a committed preacher of his `faith’; although no records are available, it is improbable that with M M Ahmad at the bureaucratic helm, there were no liaisons between Pakistan and the Zionists entity.

However, insofar as Ayub Khan was concerned, he had offered military aid to Nasir during the Israeli invasion in June 1967, but it was all over in no time. Kumaraswamy’s assertion that it was mere `verbal support’ is not correct. (By March 1969, Ayub Khan was out of office.)

Yahya Khan (d.1980) who had taken over from Ayub Khan had only a short and catastrophic tenure. But, along with King Faisal of Saudi Arabia (d.1975), he had played a crucial role in the founding of what came to be known as the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) specifically as a response to the Zionist threat to the Aqsa Mosque and Israeli occupation of Palestine, Sinai and the Golan Heights. There was no discernible change in the government of Pakistan’s pro­ Palestinian and pro-Palestinian policies, even, if like in the past, probably some of Zafrulla’s children and M M Ahmad’s minions were hobnobbing secretly with the Israelis.

M M AHMAD AUTHORED 1971 DIVISION OF PAKISTAN

Ayub quit in March 1969 and MM Ahmed acquired yet more influence. He emerged as economic supremo of the new Chief Martial Law Administrator, General Yahya Khan (d.1980). After Yahva was forced out in December 1971, MM Ahmad continued as Zulfikar AIi Bhutto’s (d.1979) economic adviser. But a few months later, he went to Washington DC and joined the International Bank For Reconstruction and Development (the World Bank). There he rose to be the deputy executive secretary of the joint Development Committee in 1974.

However M M Ahmad’s imprint on Pakistan’s fiscal and development policies was to last for ever. As Yahya Khan’s ‘finance minister’, he devalued the rupee by 131% per cent. As one economist pointed out (Dawn, Karachi, 1st February 2002), ‘that was the start of the deficit finance, inflation and trade imbalance’ from which the country has not been able to free itself.

In 1974 Bhutto amended the constitution to clarify the non-Muslim slants of (the Oadivani creed to which M M Ahmad belonged; yet influence over the country’s bureaucratic and political elite remained unaffected.

Many owed their position to his patronage and almost everyone wanted to benefit front his Washington connections’. In 1993, then army chief Abdul Waheed Kakar was looking for a caretaker prime minister to replace Nawaz Sharif. M M Ahmad is believed to have solved the ‘ problem. The job went to Moeen Qureshi, who had recently retired as executive vice president of the World Bank; He was given a Pakistani `passport’ on arrival.

MM Ahmad kept a low profile, but after October 1999 coup, he seemed to have become the regime’s `holy man’. He was a grandson of the Qadiyani `prophet’, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiyani, (d.1908) and son-in-law of the second Qadiyani `khalifa’, Mirza Bashiruddin Mahmud Ahmad (d. 1965).

Besides being an international bureaucrat, M M Ahmad was all active `missionary’ of his Qadiyani creed. After retiring from the World Bank in 1984 he formally became the `amir’ and missionary in charge’ of the group in the US with headquarters in Silver Spring, Maryland.

While many power holders in Pakistan seemed proud of being `secular’, for MM Ahmad, it was his `religious’ vocation as a Qadiyani that really defined his relationship with Pakistan. The relationship was in conflict with the existence of Pakistan itself.

According to a Qadiyani `prophecy’, revealed a few months before the independence of Pakistan, if at all India and Pakistan did separate, it would be `transient’ and the Qadiyanis were asked to try to bring an end to this phase soon. (Al Fzal, 4 April 1947 and 17 May 194’7)

In a 1995 article, `Pearls of Memory’ (Al-Nahal„ Spring 1995), M M Ahmad wrote that close to independence, l was `designated by Pakistan’ as additional deputy commissioner of Amritsar to take over the charge of the district if it was awarded to Pakistan. One day the British deputy commissioner of Amritsar told him `casually that Gurdaspur district is likely to go to India’. The award of Gurdaspur gave India a land corridor to Jammu and Kashmir and so enabled it to Occupy the territory after three months.

A preliminary version of the award was ready on 8 August 1947. The definitive version was with the Viceroy, Lord Mountbattcn ((1.1979) on 12 August. However, Mountbatten informed India and Pakistan on 16 August- after the `process of the Transfer of Power had been completed’.

M M Ahmad gives no date when this `top secret’ information was given to him. However, instead of rushing to report the matter to the Government of Pakistan, he traveled to Qadiyan to inform his `khalifa’. This contrasted with the conduct of Indian officers who I immediately reported any sensitive leak or information to Nehru (d.1964) and Nehru took it up with Mountbatten.

We hear of M M Ahmad in another CSP officer, Qudratullhah Shihab’s memoirs, Slihab Nama,, (Sang-e-Meel, Lahore, 1991) that the 1965 war with ‘ India was ‘a Qadiyani conspiracy’. It was planned by an able (Qadiyani officer, Major General Akhtar Husaiu Malik’ and `backed by several powerful people, among them, at the lot of list was said to be Mr MM Ahmad’. Shihab checked this with the West Pakistan governor Nawab of Kalabagh (d.1967) and he concurred.’ That the Qadiyanis have their own particular agenda on Jammu and Kashmir is an open secret. Like the Oadiyani Nobel Laureate, Abdus Salam, M M Ahmad too was opposed to Pakistan becoming a nuclear power. (There still a large number of qadyanis are planted in Pasrur , Chewanda and other border areas of Sialkot. )

In an as yet unpublished interview, the eminent constitutional expert and authority on Qnaid-e-Azam Jinnah (d.1948) and Pakistan movement, Sharifuddin Pirzada, told Ahmed Irfan a London based journalist that as far back as October 1967, French President Charles de Gaulle (d.1970) had offered Pakistan ‘full’ nuclear assistance and know-how; the only thing he wanted in turn was to he allowed to mine for uranium in Northwest Pakistan for a 50% share.

President Ayub Khan said he would reply after consulting with his officials back home in Pakistan. In the event the offer was vetoed by M M Ahmad and the army chief Yahya Khan. They warned Ayub Khan that the US would not take it kindly. Pirzada was Ayub Khan’s foreign minister and is a personal witness to the affair.

M M Ahmad is also believed to have been a key architect of the split between East and West Pakistan. ‘Planned’ for economic disparity between the two wings and laid the grounds for an eventual conflict and break.

Former cabinet secretary and author of The Separation of East Pakistan (OUP, Karachi, 1995) Hasan Zaheer (d.1998) quotes Brigadier, later Major General, M I Kareem telling him that Colonel Chaudhary, Staff Officer of Lt-General S G M M Peerzada (had) told him that he had read a top secret paper of MM Ahmed, suggesting that it was time for friendly separation of two Wings rather than elections and warning of serious consequences for the entire country otherwise’. Peerzada was Principal Staff Officer to President Yahya and Brig. M I Kareem his deputy.

For M M Ahmad, however, helping to end the `transient’ was a duty ordained by his `khalifa’. Born on 28 February 1913, in Qadiyan, Gurdaspur, M M Ahmad died on 23, Ju1y 2002, Washington DC and was buried, 30,July 2002, ‘in Baltishti Maqbrah’ in Ghenahnagar (formerly Ribwah), Pakistan.

ABDUS SALAM QADYANI-ZIONIST

SPIED ON PAKISTAN’S NUCLEAR PROGRAM

Dr Abdus Salam Nobel Prize winner is considered one of the intellectual giants of theoretical physics, not far behind Albert Einstein and Paul Dirac. His major scientific achievement was to take the first step towards an idea that his scientific peers still dream about: the unification of the four fundamental forces of nature. Scientists believe these forces to be: gravity; the `strong’ force between particles in an atom; the `weak’ force that causes radioactive decay; and electro­magnetism.

Salam shared the 1979 Nobel Prize with Steven Weinberg and Sheldon Glashow for showing that the weak force and electromagnetism are one and the same. Salam’s theoretical work was successfully demonstrated at the European Laboratory for Particle Physics (CERN) in 1983.

Professor Abdus Salam was a Pakistani. However, as Anthony Tucker’s obituary in The Guardian (22 November 1996) noted that `in spite of his powerful influence in world physics, his eminence in the West and lifelong commitment to science in developing countries, in his own country Abdus Salam is blamed for the starvation of important areas of science through encouraging theoretical and nuclear physics and by inference, weapons research’. In 1961, President Ayub Khan appointed Abdus Salam his scientific adviser and a member of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC). He would accordingly visit Pakistan, once or twice in a year, be received as a celebrity and gave his advice directly to the president.

The former PAEC (Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission) chairman, Munir Ahmad Khan, said after Abdus Salam’s death that in the early 1960s he had proposed to Ayub Khan the setting up of a nuclear reprocessing plant but the idea was shot down by the country’s finance officials. However, this was not the impression of other leading scientists in Pakistan nor of Munir Ahmad Khan’s own predecessor at the PAEC.

Abdus Salams’s position as scientific adviser, however, came to an abrupt end in 1974 when the ministry of interior told the PAEC not to allow him anymore into its laboratories. Abdus Salam had just arrived in Islamabad and was staying as the commission’s guest. Abdus Salam visited the commission and was given the usual VIP reception, but. He was not taken on the usual tour of its laboratories. One scientist who was present on the occasion found Abdus Salam to be quite observant.. He remembered all the old faces, noted the new ones and went to them and asked them about their work.

They all felt so honored being greeted by a Nobel laureate. Abdus Salam later visited China where. He was received as an eminent Pakistani scientist’ and, it is probable, the Chinese ‘, spoke to him freely about their cooperation with Pakistan’s nuclear program. It may have been a hire coincidence but the Pakistan `Islamic bomb’ became news soon after.

The BBC1 TV current affairs program, Panorama, aired in June 1980, mentioned Abdus Salam as one of those who were present at a 1972 ‘ meeting where Zulfikar AIi Bhutto had ‘ allegedly taken a decision to make a nuclear bomb.

A London based journalist rang Abdus Salam at the ICTP (International Centre for Theoretical Physics) in Trieste and asked was he present at any such meeting held by Bhutto? Is it true that Bhutto had asked him to help Pakistan acquire a nuclear capability; and, if so, what was his response?

Dr Salam listened calmly and said (words to that effect): Was there such a TV program? Yes. It is something serious. I am going to he in London after two days and I will tell you when I am there. This is my telephone number in London. Subsequent calls to the telephone number given by him were never answered.

Anthony Tucker also said that Abdus Salam `was a vigorous supporter of Pugwash’ and he `sought nuclear disarmament’. His unwillingness to contribute to the development science in Pakistan can also be attributed to his being a committed and proselytising member of the heretic Qadiyani community (founded by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiyani who claimed to be a prophet). At Trieste Dr Salam would lead, as imam, unknowing Muslim students from across the world in Friday prayers, and distributed Qadiyani tracts about the `persecution of Ahmadiya Muslims in Pakistan’.

In September 1995, The News reported that “during the Afghan war highly skilled Israelis provided guerrilla training to some Afghan groups and in the later stage of the Afghan war the chief of Pakistan’s most respected intelligence service [ISI] had held a top secret meeting with a senior Mossad official in Vienna.”

In May 1996, another report suggested that Pakistani law enforcement officials met with the top brass of Israeli intelligence during a conference on counter-terrorism in the Philippines. In several one-on-one sessions during the conference, two senior major generals and three brigadiers from Israeli intelligence met the senior Pakistani officials to listen and explain their methods and strategies to deal with the worse wave of terrorism facing the two nations.

Bhutto packed off M M Ahmad, purged almost all the known Qadiyani generals from the army and did what no one had dared to do before him: he amended the constitution to define the legal status of the Qadiyanis, a non­-Muslim minority, and set Pakistan on course to building its own nuclear deterrent.

Later Bhutto ordered the chairman of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission not to take the Qadiyani Nobel laureate Professor Abdus Salam round the Pinstech (Pakistan Institute of Nuclear Science and Technology) labs, anymore, when he visited them the `following day’. Abdus Salam had been a celebrity scientific adviser to all heads of the government since Ayub Khan and perhaps few knew that he was opposed to any third world country acquiring nuclear defence capability.

Z A Bhutto’s approach to the Qadiyani problem had probably little to do with theology. He had come to see the Qadiyanis purely as a political and security problem, which explains the sequence of policy decisions along side the strategic decision about acquiring nuclear deterrence.

The Qadiyani-Zionist nexus: The Qadiyani leader (extreme let) paying homage to Israeli President Katzir (extreme right) – From Jerusalem Post Weekly, 79 October 1976

QADYANI ROLE IN BENZAIR BHUTTO’S DEPARTURE

One actor in the `conspiracy, she disclosed, had recently met her in Islamabad and asked her to recognize Israel. `However,’ she added, `when I said I cannot do so unless Israel settles issues with the Palestinians, he wrote an article against me in the Wall Street journal.’ (Dawn, Karachi, 21 October 1996) The article was entitled, The IMF’s Recipe for Disaster, WSJ 13 June 1996.

That `actor’, said the then Pakistan foreign secretary, Najmuddin Shaikh, was Mansoor Ijaz, a Washington-based influence peddler who had a `pique’ against the Benazir Bhutto government since he could not `derive sufficient benefit’ from it.

Mansoor Ejaz had been introduced to the government of Pakistan by then ambassador Ahmad Kamal to the UN as `an influential Pakistan-American who could help Pakistan by securing a waiver to resume [US] aid to Pakistan’. He could deliver votes in the US House of Representatives for the passage of the Brown Amendment if Pakistan released 15 million dollars to a satellite company RADA with which he seemed somehow associated. Maleeha Lodhi, then ambassador in Washington, turned down the proposal. She said it would be `illegal’; besides, it might also be a trap. (Maleeha Lodhi is Pakistan High Commissioner in London)

The Pakistan embassy in Washington now also disclosed that Mansoor Ijaz had been `pushing’ the government of Pakistan to recognize Israel and he himself had visited Israel on several occasions, once on the invitation of the mayor of occupied Jerusalem. In 1995 he had been given the `Humanitarian of the Year’ award by major Jewish organizations in the US. Ambassador Ahmad Kamal who joined in praising him for his `philanthropic activities’ also attended the ceremony. Mansoor Ijaz had, however, been so important to Benazir Bhutto that when the then President, Farooq Ahmad

Leghari was traveling to the US in May 1994 to attend the graduation ceremony of his son, she advised him to make sure that he also met the gentleman. It was only after the `pique’ that her foreign secretary and others had found it necessary to speak about his dubious influence peddling and Israeli connections.

The personality of Mansoor ljaz was highly significant from another angle: ‘ he was also scion of a `holy’ Qadiyani family. His mother, Lubna Razia Ijaz, is the daughter of Nazir Husain Khan who was one of the `original 313′ followers of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiyani (1835-1908). However, Mansoor Ijaz denies being a Qadiyani. Few less known and well-placed Qadiyanis now own up to being what they are.

Benazir Bhutto’s departure and Nawaz Sharif’s second coming did not diminish; it only enhanced the insidious influence of the country’s pro-­Zionist lobby. Aiding the work of the Qadiyani pro-Zionists were a number of fellow travelers; they were opportunist Pakistanis who had little idea or feelings about the objective merits of the Palestinian issue and were willing to acquiesce to illegitimate Zionist occupation of the Holy Land.

Pakistan has not been able to free itself of the ghost of Zafrulla. After Zafrulla, there were M M Ahmad and Mansoor Ijaz, Ahmad Sadiq, Traiq Aziz and many more cryptos up and down the corridors of power.

General Pervez Musharraf’s coup seemed timely. Israeli Foreign Minister Shimon Peres said to Newsweek (5 November 2001) I told him [President Bush], we understand your strategy. As a good Jewish boy, I would have never dreamed that I would pray for the safety of Musharraf, the president of Pakistan. That is most unexpected experience.’

In December 1946: Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah met with the Grand Mufti, Amin al-Husaini in Cairo and said, ‘From the Balfour Declaration to ‘partition’, Jinnah spared no words to denounce the grave injustice to the Palestinians and warned ‘there will be no peace in the Near East until they give an honest deal to Arabs in Palestine … All our sympathies are with Arabs who are fighting … against the usurpers’.

Pervez Hood Bahi an Ismali scientist spares no chance in bashing Pakistan for becoming a nuclear state. Ismiali interests in Gilgit are well known.

Zubeida Jalal a (Gawader based) ‘Zkiri’ no body NGO worker frequently visited Pentagon and met Paul Wolfwitz many time. (Photo can be provided)

Tariq Aziz

President Mushraf’s Security Advisor and Qadyani mate did his Khalifa’s job on 4th April 2005 in Dubai with Indian ‘Lamba’. He was missed seriously by the Indians later on when they could not link ‘April 2005 Delhi joint statement’ with the Islamabad joint statement of January 2004 that Pakistan will not support violence/aggression from its soil. So who drafted that Islamabad statement?

(According to a Qadiyani `prophecy’, revealed a few months before the independence of Pakistan, if at all India and Pakistan did separate, it would be `transient’ and the Qadiyanis were asked to try to bring an end to this phase soon. (Al Fzal, 4 April 1947 and 17 May 1947))

MM Ahmad did not pass on the classified information to Government of Pakistan that Gurdaspur is going to go to India when deputy commissioner Amritsar told him informally. He did not pass this classified information to Qauid e Azam , instead, he went to his grand father who was also Qadyni Kahlifa.

MM Ahmad was sent by the Government of Pakistan to take charge in case Amirtsar comes to Pakistan. Gurdaspur provide a land route to Kashmir. We had to fight three wars over Kashmir because of MM Ahmad’s betrayal. He was following his Khalifa’s prophecy.

MM Ahmad devalued Pakistani currency 131% in 1970s and Pakistan has not recovered from that economic set back.

Who sow the seed of hatred in the afghan minds that they even opposed the UN membership of Pakistan in 1947. The same Afghanistan becomes our back yard for two decades with just few border guards. Now again same Afghanistan becomes Indian base of conspiracies, we were very close to undeclared confederation. Than what happened?

May be some one should sit in the Pakistani foreign office library and see what Zafraullah Khan and MM Ahmad have been doing. Due to the followings reasons all minorities should be monitored from security and strategic reasons not religious beliefs. Qadyanis in Islamabad, Agha Kahnis in Gilgit and Zikiris in Baluchistan.

Baluchistan : Dream of a Qadyni state in Pakistan.

On 23rd July 1948 Qadyani Khalifa addressed a meeting in Queeta which was published in Al-Fazal on 13th August 1948.

“British Baluchistan — which in now Paki Baluchistan – Its total population is 5 laks to 6 laks. Although this population is less than the other provinces but because it’s a unit therefore, its very important. Unit has price as the people in this world has a price. For example in US constitution states elect members for senate. Its not relevant if the states population is 100 million or 10 million. Members are equal.

Long and short of the story is that population of Paki – Baluchistan is 6-5 laks and if we add the population of small states it becomes about 11 laks. Because it’s a unit therefore it is very important. Its very hard to convert a large population to Ahmadis but its not difficult to convert a small population. Therefore, if we fully concentrate we can convert the whole province into ahamdis ———– Remember Tableegh (preaching) can not be successful unless we have a strong BASE. So make a strong BASE – if we manage to convert this whole province into Ahmadi – we will be able call at least this province as our own.

QADYANI SOLUTION: How to deal with Islamic Jihad

It used to be called jihad; it was given the name ‘Islamic terrorism’. The ideologues of colonialism had the greatest problem with two things: the Book and the Sword, the Quran and the Jihad; and they made little secret of their cherished design to steal or blunt these two greatest ‘weapons’ in a Muslim’s armoury.

They felt that as long as Muslims continued to hold the Quran as their absolute frame of reference and are willing to lay down their lives in the way of God, it would be very tough trying to cow and control the Islamic world. It would be a great help, suggested a German expert, if we could push the Quran inside and bring the Muslim woman outside. All orientalist engineering has since been geared towards achieving the twin objectives. What about Jihad?

The inventive boys of the colonial dirty tricks department came up with a brilliant idea. Why not give Muslims a modern, new surrogate prophet and let him deal with the question of Jihad. And they did.

They picked a half-educated, retarted a sycophantic Monshe (petty clerk), Mirza Ghulam Ahmed Qadiyani (1838-1908). They made him believe that he was an inspired person and let him acquire the profile of a polemicist, who defended Islam in the face of Christian missionary attacks, and then graduated him from being a religious reformer to messiah, a resurrected Jesus and finally, a shadow prophet.

The shadowy prophet declared that Islam consisted of two parts: one, obedience to God and two, obedience to the British government. He duly announced that ‘there is no Jihad of the sword after my coming’, and ‘should any one called himself a ghazi [Islamic soldier], he would be regarded as an enemy of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). ‘An enemy of God, he said on another occasion.

In December 1888, he published an advertisement (sic) that God had deputed him as a renovator (mujaddid) of Islam. Three years into ‘mujaddidship’, in 1891 he announced the demise Jesus and declared that he was the ‘Promised Messiah’ that, as mentioned in ‘Bukhari’, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad had decreed ‘the postponement of Jihad’.

Mirza Ghulam Ahmad did not ‘postpone’ war. He had abrogated ‘the jihad of the sword’. However, the Hadith narrated by Abu Hurayarah, in Bukhari (and Muslim) reports the Prophet saying that definitely shall the son of Maryam descend unto you as the Just Ruler; he will break the Cross and Kill the swine and end the war (Harb).

Mirza was neither the son of Maryam nor some one who did or even attempt to do any of the things which the ‘Promised Messiah’ was expected to do. He did not abolish war (by establishing justice) he abolished Jihad. He did so even before he had declared himself the ‘Promised Messiah’.

‘Since 16 years, I have been regularly emphasising that the obedience of the Government of Britain is obligatory [fardh] upon the Muslims of India and that Jihad is ‘haram’ (forbidden), he wrote in February 1899 which meant that he forbade Jihad in 1883, eight years before his ‘Messiahship’, Why?

He admitted he could ‘pursue his mission neither in Makkah, nor Madinah; neither in Syria, nor Iran or Kabul save under this Government for whose good fortune we pray’. On 24 February 1898, Mirza sent a fawning petition to the British Lt-Governor of the province, he referred to his loyal services to the government of Britain and reminded him that he was their ‘their own plant’ (khud sakhtah pauda) and, then went on to request that his followers be given special consideration by officials.

Mirza’s ‘khalifah’ and son, Mirza Bashiruddin Mahmud Ahmad, wrote proudly in the cult’s paper Al-Fazal dated 1 November 1934 that: ‘The whole world considers us to be the agents of the British. That is why a German minister who attended the opening of an Ahmadia building in Germany was asked to explain as to why he went to the function of a community, which was the agent of the British.

All minority rights should be protected according to the constitution and UN Declaration of Human Rights. A country should not be hijacked or its security compromised by a minority black mail. These are traps and original benefacries and funding parties are remain hidden may it be a religious box in ID card or a column in the passports. There is dire need of a minority-monitoring cell from a security point of view.